Raposa

I am always celibate on my trips 😁

Oh definitely, he would be way too handsome for either GB or FB. Management of Moonlight needs to travel around and scout local talent to keep themselves fresh and relevant.

There is too much whoring in all these trip reports 🤣

I have to disagree with your assessment. While it’s true that the Chinese Civil War technically ended in 1949 (lets just go with the conventional view here), its consequences certainly did not. In fact, the presence of the KMT in Burma after their defeat by the Communists was a crucial factor that shaped the military dynamics in Myanmar, directly influencing the events leading up to the 1962 coup. My line of argument is about how the presence of the KMT built the capacity and the mindset of the tatmadaw, that was until the 1950s nothing more than a colonial constabulary force. In 1950, thousands of KMT troops, rather than surrendering, fled into Burma’s Shan State, where they established bases and created an extraterritorial military presence. These KMT forces, under General Li Mi, were effectively running their own mini-state on Burmese soil. The Tatmadaw, under General Ne Win, was forced to confront this violation of Burma’s sovereignty head-on, despite already being stretched thin by internal rebellions. This wasn’t just a border skirmish; it was a serious conflict that lasted years, forcing the Tatmadaw to adapt rapidly. The military was no longer just fighting insurgents—it was gaining valuable experience in counterinsurgency and modern warfare, learning how to coordinate large-scale operations in difficult terrain, and effectively building the institutional capacity that would later allow it to seize power. By the mid-1950s, the Tatmadaw had become a battle-hardened force with growing confidence. The military’s success against the KMT reinforced its role as the “protector of the nation,” a narrative that solidified its increasing political power. The military’s victories, especially the success of Operation Bayintnaung, gave the Tatmadaw significant prestige and positioned it as the only institution capable of holding Myanmar together, particularly in contrast to the feckless civilian government, which failed to deliver on critical issues like security and ethnic autonomy. Your argument about the Panglong Agreement is valid, but it overlooks the critical role the KMT conflict played in shaping the Tatmadaw’s power. The military’s victories against the KMT—backed by foreign powers—directly contributed to its belief that it alone could guarantee Myanmar’s survival. By the time the Panglong Agreement was undermined, the military had already consolidated significant political and military power, and had little trust in the civilian government’s ability to manage the country. The KMT issue did more than just create military tensions—it was the crucible in which the modern Myanmar military was forged. This conflict set the stage for the 1962 coup by giving the military both the confidence and the institutional power it needed to take over. While the army may have used the Panglong Agreement as a convenient excuse, its real motivation was the military’s own growing belief that civilian leadership was ineffectual and incapable of safeguarding the nation. Whole former KMT villages remain on Thai soil and to this day there is a strong Taiwanese presence in Myanmar. I am very familiar with everything you write here. I have even visited Ratnagiri in India to pay my respects at King Thibaw’s tomb there. Where we differ is in the interpretation of those events. We both agree about the law. However, my argument was not about the formal reach of the law itself but how it is being implemented. A disproportionate number of working class youths are being pressed into conscription as whatever formal system to organize this has already broken down. The Irrawaddy and Frontier confirms as much. Middle class youths have other avenues to evade. Through bribes and their families connections. Nothing is new under the sun.

Your response is exactly the kind of patronizing, overly sensitive attitude that has led to the growing backlash against “woke” thinking around the world. You’re so preoccupied with optics and imagined offenses that you’ve overlooked the actual substance of the discussion. Suggesting that someone shouldn’t even attempt a conversation because of their nationality is not only intellectually lazy—it’s hypocritical. You accuse others of being intrusive for asking questions, yet you feel perfectly entitled to project motives, judge intent, and shut down dialogue without any real evidence. That’s not empathy; it’s self-righteous gatekeeping. Not every interaction needs to be wrapped in layers of ideological overanalysis. Sometimes people simply avoid tough questions because they don’t know how to answer—or don’t want to expose a lack of critical thought. Stop pretending it’s always about some grand power dynamic. This mindset is exactly why so many are tuning out of these tedious, over-politicized narratives.

Some like the Arakan Army are highly professional and are beating the Myanmar military every day. Others fit your description better, gangs controlled by local drug lords.

It’s easy to fall into the trap of overcomplicating the situation in Myanmar by relying on experts who emphasize the complexity of the political dynamics, sometimes to elevate their own role in explaining the issue. But, I believe it’s important to encourage more open discussion and learning about Myanmar’s politics. While discussing the country’s politics with locals inside Myanmar may not be advisable, especially considering the risks involved, there’s value in engaging with those who live outside of Myanmar. However, it’s essential to keep in mind that the diaspora has its own perspective, which may not align with the views of those still living under the current regime. What follows is my interpretation of the situation, but I acknowledge there are many other valid perspectives out there, some of which may offer deeper insights. Dragon and Koi It’s important to note that the people you guys have interacted with in places like Dragon and Koi aren’t representative of the average Myanmar citizen. These are middle-class individuals with education and solid English skills, a far cry from the majority of the population. These individuals often don’t need to return to Myanmar to renew their visa exemptions in Thailand; they typically travel to neighboring ASEAN countries like Laos and then return. Furthermore, the military’s conscription efforts mostly target working-class boys, not the educated middle class. There’s a clear class dimension, which shouldn’t be overlooked when we discuss the situation. Ethnic Resistance One of the more complex aspects of the situation is the diverse objectives of the various ethnic resistance organizations (EROs) in Myanmar. Not all of them are focused on overthrowing the military junta. Many of these groups are primarily concerned with securing greater autonomy for their respective ethnic groups, and some even see the Wa state, which is heavily influenced by China, as a model for their future. For instance, the Arakan Army (AA) has long talked about independence, but their leadership seems more pragmatic in recent years, likely recognizing that outright independence may not be feasible. Other EROs are more flexible in their approach and may even shift allegiances depending on their current interests. Some of these groups, however, are far less focused on ideals of democracy and are often criticized for engaging in illegal activities, such as running drug cartels. It’s crucial to understand that not all resistance organizations have the same goals, and the majority aren’t necessarily aligned with the West’s ideal of democracy. Some are willing to negotiate with the junta, and a few might even see collaboration as a means to further their ethnic agendas. The Role of Myanmar’s Neighbors Myanmar’s neighbors, particularly Thailand, China, and India, have no interest in seeing the country fragment in a manner similar to the breakup of Yugoslavia. These countries have historically preferred to engage with Myanmar’s military junta and have tried to manipulate their relationships with ethnic groups to serve their own interests. This geopolitical dimension further complicates the situation, as external powers are often more concerned with maintaining stability and their own influence than with promoting democratic values or supporting the aspirations of Myanmar’s ethnic minorities. British Colonialism The current military junta has been quick to point to British colonialism as the root cause of Myanmar’s political turmoil. While British colonial rule did leave a legacy of exploitation and division, it is misleading to suggest that colonialism is the sole or even the primary cause of the current predicament. The junta’s narrative conveniently ignores decades of their own economic mismanagement, the system of ethnocracy they’ve perpetuated, and their brutal suppression of minority groups. The military coup in 2021 and the subsequent violent response to pro-democracy movements cannot be solely blamed on colonialism. These events reflect deeper issues: the failure of Myanmar’s post-independence political system to develop democratic norms, the entrenched militarization of society, and the dominance of the Bamar-dominated military establishment. The ongoing struggles for democracy and human rights in Myanmar are far more a result of these internal issues than a continuation of colonial legacies. Going forward While British colonialism undoubtedly influenced Myanmar’s early political development, we must understand that the current crisis is the product of a complex mix of factors that extend well beyond colonialism. The post-independence period saw political mismanagement, the disastrous “Burmese socialism” experiment under Ne Win, military domination, and the exacerbation of ethnic divisions—all of which played significant roles in shaping Myanmar’s present political landscape. The Chinese Civil War, which spilled over into Burmese territory, was another crucial event that set the stage for the 1962 military coup. These historical developments, along with the rise of the military as a powerful political force, are much more significant in understanding Myanmar’s current political situation than the distant legacy of British colonial rule. PeterRS points to the civil war as having started decades before 2021. This is true but ignores a unique characteristic of the present situation. This civil war encompasses also the Bamar people, which is the majority ethnic group, against the military. This is unique. Normally the Bamar majority would be relative unaware of the plight of the ethnic minorities prior to 2021. A nation unfinished, not broken Ultimately, Myanmar remains an unfinished country, and there is no single force or leader who can unify it inclusively at present. That being said, the possibility of a more unified, democratic Myanmar in the future is not entirely out of the question. However, this will require addressing the deep-rooted ethnic divisions, the militarized state, and the lack of genuine political reforms that have persisted for decades.

You got such a good heart

During Songkran the G circuit parties and pool parties will be hosted in Sukhumvit, expect the apps to be pretty busy too in the area. The massage parlors might be busy in Sukhumvit too. I will provide an update on Zoo wellness spa based on my research. They now seem to have another online presence called Malepark (or Mpark Spa), that specialises in outcall services to select hotels. Similar to the service model that Zeus is offering. It is exactly the same boys in the Line feeds of both Zoo Wellness Spa and Malepark. The dealbreaker for me is that the booking service is just as annoying where you have to supply name, address, telephone # and e-mail. Not very anonymous… With some exceptions their massage skills are not great, and tips quoted for soft services range from 3000-4000 B, whereas hard services are in the range of 4000-5000 B. This puts them in a very expensive range, excessively so as I believe you get better service for less cost at Jey Spa in the same area.

The older guy is a spicy content creator and active on a few platforms. He seems to travel around. Maybe you should consider doing OF so you dont get so bored all the time 😛 Forget IG, his X account is more spicy 🌶️

LOLZ Phrom Phong is considered an upscale area with lots of glitzy shopping centers, a lot of working expats favour this area too. Many lower middle class types would love to live there in order to spend less money and time commuting to work. So if you’re hooking up locally, expect the locals you’re hooking up with in Phrom Phong to be upscale too. As for the Chinese guy, yes, probably being sponsored by parents who made good money during Deng Xiaoping’s reforms. They don’t need to work a lot and often travel between jobs if they bother to get one.

Ok, out of all the things we can discuss on this forum … Ok, here’s the distinction: An abbreviation is a shortened form of a word or phrase (like “Dr.” for “Doctor” or “etc.” for et cetera). An acronym is a type of abbreviation formed from the initial letters of a phrase, where those letters are often pronounced as a word (like “NASA”) — but even when the letters are pronounced individually (like “FBI”), it’s still often referred to as an acronym. So, while LGBTQIA+ iis not pronounced as a single word, it’s still classified as an acronym because it’s made up of initial letters representing a longer phrase.

Supplementary services of the soft variety yes, but Omen is not comparable to Jey or the Prince when it comes to quality and selection of masseurs. I mentioned Omen here because it is open 24 hours, not because it is a shop I would recommend seeking out during normal opening hours.

This is not really the full acronym outside of Canada as 2S in that acronym refers to 2 spirits, which the indigenous populations in Canada use as a designation of queer individuals. It does not make sense to use that globally. I don’t think their choice of abbreviation really reflects any strong ideological leanings as I believe the applicants are just as confused about the real meanings as most other people outside of a small group.

Try Omen Spa near Sukhumvit, it is open 24/7. You might not find the nicest masseurs available so early.

With the addition of all the extra letters, activism has changed too. It is less now about loving who you want and more about being whatever you want. The cutting edge of activism now would find the title of Bangkok Pride 2025 problematic: «Born this way» , because it implies that acceptance of LGBTQ+ activities and identities rests on biological immutability. Rather they would promote fluid genders and fluid sexualities only defined by choice, a liberationist framework rather than an immutability framework.

I stands for intersex, A stands for asexual, + is added to hold space for the ever expanding alphabet soup.

Nah, I just go to Jey Spa instead. Consistent quality and centrally located 😜

In the case of JJ you’re not simply paying for time, you are also paying for a brand. The guy has a substantial following on X and OF, which is why he is so popular. If you’re more interested in his general archetype (young, straight, Asian top with tattoos) then you can find many more at 15M that are less popular and might cum for you.

People tend to exaggerate how often they cum and how little they pay 😉

Reader is right, but sometimes shops centrally located or higher end will not answer you directly on Line unless they know you. You might want to ask for masseurs that «will do everything». If you don’t want to travel to Saphan Khwai, go to Senso men club and ask papasan directly when you are in the shop and tell him what you are looking for. Jey spa you can book masseurs that can do «everything» but you need to ask with some discretion on Line about it unless papasan knows you.

Yes, people are desperate enough to crawl through deserts and jungles to work themselves into an early grave. A real beacon of hope there.

Hehe Moonlight top picture

Oh I agree, he glowed up!

Ah yes The American Dream™️ - Now available in triple shifts with no benefits!