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BANGKOK, Oct 2 (TNA) In a major step towards normalcy in a cooperative, rather than combative, Thai society, General Surayud Chulanont, Thailand's interim prime minister, began his first day in office at Government House on Monday, two weeks after military leaders staged a bloodless coup d'tat that brought him to power. United States ambassador Ralph Boyce was among his first official visitors. They discussed the current political situation in Thailand. Speaking to journalists after the meeting, the US envoy said the new Thai Prime Minister assured him that he would restore democracy to the kingdom as soon as possible, return civil liberties and rights to the public, and that the next general election will be held soon. "We had a very good discussion," Mr. Boyce said. "I think it's very well known that the United States urged the speedy return to an elected government and the protection of civil liberties during the interval." "The prime minister assured me that would be the case," the US diplomat said. The 63-year old former army chief and privy councillor pledged on Sunday that he would work to unify a Thai society which is deeply split, with political problems and insurgency in the restive South as the most pressing issues to address. The new premier said he would consider visiting the troubled region once the kingdom gets the new Cabinet. Gen. Surayud told a press conference on Sunday that the new cabinet line-up would be chosen in a week. Meanwhile, the tanks and troops that toppled the Thaksin Administration on September 19 putsch quietly returned to their barracks following the announcement of Thailand's 24th prime minister. Gen. Surayud and his new cabinet are expected to run the country for one year before the completion of a new Constitution. There are calls from some academics and NGO organisations for an earlier return to elective democracy, but it is not known yet whether or what attention the new prime minister will give to such advice. The intended new constitution will set the stage--and the rules--for the next general election, probably in late 2007. (TNA)-E001

The following appears in the Pattaya City News: _____ Preperations for "Gin Jay". Gin Jay is a Chinese Festival occurring annually in October. It involves eating vegetarian food and worshipping the Nine Great Gods of the Chinese. It is a time when the Chinese purify their minds and bodies. In their belief, gods come down from heaven on a pole located at the Chinese Temple. Adherents to the gods will wear white uniforms and eat no meat for the ten days of the festival. Some people will become mediums allowing the gods to inhabit their bodies while piercing themselves with different objects, walking on hot coals, and walking up dagger ladders to show their devotion to their gods. Here in Thailand many Thai

INTERIM PRIME MINISTER: I'll Give Justice for All Surayud Vows to Heal a Divided Nation and Promises to Return Power after a Year A subdued ceremony and an uptight press conference. No dizzying promises and no smiling family photo session afterwards. With the international community frowning heavily upon him and local expectations becoming so strong they were almost palpable, retired Army commander Surayud Chulanont yesterday became Thailand's 24th prime minister, assuming the most delicate and daunting task a national chief executive has ever faced in modern history. In a manner that seemed to reflect a mix of his military background and brief spiritual soul-searching in the monkhood, Surayud vowed to rehabilitate a badly wounded nation, divided by unprecedented political conflicts and rocked by growing insurgency in the deep South. He pledged to bring about national happiness through HM the King's advocated sufficiency economy and political reform that hopefully could see a return to full democracy after one year. No boasting about mega projects or quick modernisation or "poverty will be no more". Yesterday's events were as "un-Thaksin" as they could be. Intentional or not, a clear message was sent that Surayud will be overseeing a transition from roller-coaster, eye-catching politics, marked by some industrial booms and marred by massive corruption, to something more practical and less divisive. The simplicity ends here. From now on, the likes of the question posed at the press conference yesterday by a foreign correspondent - "What makes you think you deserve the job more than Thaksin?" - will always threaten to hound Surayud's leadership. "I don't know," was his reply, in English. "It depends on the situation, and at this time I think that I receive the mandate from His Majesty the King, so I have to take the responsibility. Let me tell you, I didn't involve in anything at the moment. I just take charge of the administration just an hour ago." Arguably it could have been better. Many viewed this as coming from a man who was caught off guard, yet the absence of protests when the press conference was then cut short suggested Surayud would be accorded some sort of honeymoon with the Thai public. But hopes and expectations will soon turn into relentless pressure, not least because Surayud has replaced a maverick politician who has been immensely popular with the poor and has the international community on his side following the September 19 coup. At yesterday's press conference, it appeared Surayud refused to be drawn into a popularity contest and, for all his rigid posture, was admirably consistent with his proclaimed agenda. Surayud, who had to quit the Privy Council to take the interim government's helm, stated that the two key issues facing him are the resolution of political conflict and the unrest in the southernmost provinces. "Both problems have their roots in injustice in the society," he said in a relatively polite swipe at Thaksin Shinawatra. But if corruption, abuse of power and mishandling of situations in the deep South were Thaksin's weak spots, Surayud has a different image problem already. The coup-makers, who called themselves Council for Democratic Reform and will become the National Security Council for the interim government from now, are his international liability. But international image should be the least cause for concern, and Surayud must know full well that he should be focused on the "local spirit of democracy" that seems to have distinguished itself from the Western norm. He will have to walk a tightrope - with what Thailand's poor want on one hand and the clamouring for non-corrupt and accountable leadership among the middle class on the other. The upcoming political reform process will need to take those two aspects into account, with the 63-year-old retired commander respected for professional achievement, modesty and integrity getting the unenviable job of guiding the nation to find the right balance. "I will do my best within the timeframe fixed by the interim charter, which is about one year. After that, it will be the duty of my compatriots to go to the poll and select a suitable democratic administration as they have longed for," he said. Surayud will need about a week to name his cabinet, which he said would focus its energy on the nation's happiness rather than its GDP. "I will take about one week to select the people to be cabinet ministers, and after that I will explain the government's policies. After that I will explain the government policies to create more confidence for investors. What I'm looking for in my ministers are people who are politically neutral, knowledgeable, competent, and willing to work," he said. "I will not focus on GDP, but I will adhere to the sufficiency economy advocated by the King." As much will depend on the military council as on Surayud, although his appointment gave some sort of guarantee that the interim government will have considerable clout to flex against the former if need be. It appears that the two will have separate responsibilities, with the military council overlooking national security and Surayud fully in charge of other administrative affairs. "I urged him twice to accept the post," said Army Commander Sonthi Boonyaratglin. "We have gone through a list of many candidates. Some are good and some are bad and some even volunteered to serve. We chose him simply because it's hard to find good men like him." For Surayud to succeed, it requires more than his decent qualities and it's here that the military council has a big and complex role to play, against a backdrop of international scepticism and concern among local democracy advocates. Surayud will be judged when his government hands the country back to the Thai electorate. Only then can he and the military council proclaim to have redefined "democracy", or else the international community can cast Thailand a pitying look and say "we told you so". Tulsathit Taptim The Nation ____________________ Who Is Surayud Chulanont? The following appears in THE NATION: _____ Surayud's Colorful Life The life of General Surayud Chulanont is filled with paradoxes, one of which is that he is poised to become the interim prime minister, relying on the military as his power base, after making it his mission in 1998 to put soldiers back in their barracks. He managed to distinguish himself as a leader in combat, a government strategist overhauling the country's rice policy, a top military commander and a privy councillor after rising from humble beginnings as the son of a communist leader. Surayud, 63, grew up in turbulent times when his father, Payom Chulanont, was forced to take refuge with the Communist Party of Thailand following a purge of the armed forces led by military strongman Field Marshal Prapas Charusathien. Determined to salvage his family's name, Surayud opted for a military career and graduated from the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy's class 11 in 1965. Class 11 officers entered military service at the height of the secret battle to gain dominance over Laos during the Vietnam War. Surayud served on the front line in Laos and later fought the communist insurgency in Thailand's Northeast. He was credited with prowess in battle as well as his strategy in pacifying the insurgents and their sympathisers. While he was climbing the ladder through special warfare operations, Thailand was plunged into turmoil by uprisings in 1973 and 1976. To overcome the country's political problems, politicians and the ruling elite - notably MR Kukrit Pramoj - pushed for the installation of Army chief, General Prem Tinsulanonda, as prime minister, tasked with ending fractious politics and ushering in democratic rule. Many saw Prem's rise to power in 1980 as half-baked democracy. For eight years, he steered the country through political turbulence and mobilised the armed forces to shore up his mandate. Surayud, at the time a lieutenant colonel, was one of Prem's close aides. Impressed by Surayud's track record against insurgency, Prem handpicked him to work as a strategist to address political demands and rein in politicians. Surayud worked mostly behind the scenes, but stepped into the spotlight briefly when he brokered a deal to revamp a scheme shoring up the price of paddy. After Prem retired from politics to assume the position of Privy Council president, Surayud returned to military service in 1988, securing many key positions, such as commander of the Special Warfare Command and later of the Second Army Area. Shifting political winds saw him briefly sidelined to an inactive post as Army chief adviser before he staged a comeback as the dark horse to win the coveted post of Army commander-in-chief in 1998. Many billed him as a career soldier striving to promote professionalism and to modernise the military. He initiated the downsizing of the armed forces, revamped arms procurement to root out corruption and stopped the dispensing of military positions in exchange for political favours. After the election of the first Thaksin government he was promoted to Supreme Commander in 2003 before his retirement the following year. Surayud and Thaksin clashed on many issues, most notably, meddling to sway the military for political gains. His final mission before retirement was organising rescue operations for Thais stranded in Phnom Penh following the burning there of the Thai Embassy. After leaving military service, Surayud briefly ordained as a Buddhist monk at a monastery for meditation in Nong Khai. His Majesty the King later named him an adviser sitting on the Privy Council. Avudh Panananda The Nation -------------------------------- The 24th Prime Minister of Thailand General Surayud Chulanont Date of appointment: October 1, 2006 Date of birth: August 28, 1943 Education: Royal Thai Military Academy (BS) Infantry Centre School Joint Staff College, Thailand Joint Staff College, USA Resource Management Programme, Ministry of Defence, USA National Defence College (1993) Marital Status: Married to Khunying Chitravadee Chulanont Previous positions: Privy Councillor (from November 14, 2003) Member of the Executive Committee of the Anandamahidol Foundation (2003) Supreme Commander Commander in Chief, Royal Thai Army Commanding General, Second Army Area Commanding General, Special Warfare Command. ____________________ The followoing appears in the BANGKOK POST: _____ Profile Gen Surayud Enjoys Reputation for Effectiveness, Tact, Incorruptibility Thailand's new interim prime minister, Surayud Chulanont, made his mark as a highly professional army commander. For the past two years he has served His Majesty the King as a member of the Privy Council. In 1998, Gen Surayud caused controversy when he became the first commander of the Special Forces ever to attain the rank of army commander-in-chief. He was promoted over the heads of many older generals. One of the reasons then prime minister Chuan Leekpai picked Gen Surayud was the general's outspoken opinion after the 1991 military coup and 1992 Black May democracy uprising that the army should never again get involved in government. Like other respected figures in the past _ most recently Anand Panyarachun, who served the 1991 coup council as premier _ Gen Surayud has taken on the job of prime minister as a patriotic duty rather than through any personal ambition. In a 1993 interview, he famously said: ''It convinced me that the army should never be involved in politics.'' Now he finds himself directly involved as the ''civilian'' front man for the military coup's Council for National Security (CNS), headed by another Special Forces veteran and current army commander Sonthi Boonyaratkalin. He has his work cut out for him. He faces a diplomatic corps almost entirely opposed to the coup, and the CNS, the successor of the Council for Democratic Reform, which has power under the constitution to fire him if it doesn't like his actions. Born in Phetchaburi 63 years ago, he was raised in the capital and attended elite schools including Suan Kularb College. He was in the first class of the Armed Forces Preparatory Academy, and then graduated from Class 12 of Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy. He officially began his military service as a junior lieutenant in 1965. His father, Lt-Col Phayom, left the army when Gen Surayud was a boy, joined the now defunct Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) and was known as Comrade Tan. As a young officer, Gen Surayud led army forces against his father's CPT cells in northern Thailand. He told interviewers from Time magazine in 2003 that, to him, his father was a hero. ''He taught me how to be a good officer. He taught me how to be a good citizen of this country,'' he said. Gen Surayud gained wide experience during his early service, in infantry, artillery and counter-insurgency units. He found his niche in the Special Forces, the unit modelled largely after the Green Berets of the US army. As the Vietnam War wound down, he became an instructor at the Special Warfare School in Lop Buri. Then he won an assignment as an aide to Prem Tinsulanonda when Gen Prem became army commander and then prime minister in the wake of the 1976 massacre at Thammasat University and several detested governments. In 1991, Gen Surayud became commander of the Special Warfare Command, where one of his officers was Gen Sonthi, the head of the CDR. On May 17, their men took part in efforts to quell pro-democracy demonstrations, including in the notorious violence at the Royal Hotel. He said he deplored the loss of life, and that he had never given orders to shoot. It is a measure of the respect held for Gen Surayud that everyone believed his account of the violence. But after Black May, he appeared to be in a dead-end, mostly paperwork job. He was plucked from that obscurity by then premier Mr Chuan, and immediately began a campaign against the military mafia, criminals and corrupt men in uniform. Under his command, Thailand took part in its first major peacekeeping operations, and the East Timor mission won wide admiration. He began a campaign to professionalise the army and slim it down to respond to actual needs rather than keeping generals in jobs. That won him many enemies inside the army, but widened the respect he had earned throughout the country. Ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra neither liked nor admired Gen Surayud's professionalism, and sought a more compliant army commander so he could implement a business-friendly policy towards Burma. Gen Surayud felt and acted differently. He set up heavy defences against Wa drug smugglers supported by the Rangoon government, and fought incursions by Burmese troops. None of this was popular with Mr Thaksin, who refused Gen Surayud's request for pay rises for his army. Mr Thaksin effectively made Gen Surayud supreme commander and appointed his cousin, Gen Chaiyasit Shinawatra, as army commander in 2002, a disastrous move that many credit as the start of the resurgence of violence in the South, among other problems _ and providing apparent proof for critics who accused the Thaksin government of nepotism on a major scale. Gen Surayud served as supreme commander, and was soon eased out of even that token position. After retirement in 2003, he won further praise for various conservation and self-reliance projects. His main work, however, revolved around his appointment to the Privy Council the same year. He maintained a high profile in this prestigious position, clashing with Thaksin proxies when he felt the monarchy had been dragged into politics by the government. His 38-year career in the military earned Gen Surayud a reputation for effectiveness, tact and incorruptibility. He will need all of that and more to get through the next 12 months.

The following appears in THE NATION: _____ UNOFFICIAL TRANSLATION Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Interim Edition) of B.E. 2549 Somdet Phra Paramintharamaha Bhumibol Adulyadej Sayammintharathirat Bormmanatthabophit graciously grants the interim constitution on October 1 B.E. 2549, which is the 61st year of the present reigh. Phrabat Somdet Phra Paramintharamaha Bhumibol Adulyadej Mahitalathibet Ramathibodi Chakkri Narubodin Sayammintharathirat Borommanatthabophit is graciously pleased to proclaim that: The leader of the Council for Democratic Reform successfully staged the coup on September 19 B. E. 2549 and presented a report to His Majesty. The CDR leader informed His Majesty that he seized power and abolished the constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand with an intention to solve the problems of the people's losing confidence in the country's administration, the lack of efficiency in the supervision of the administration, and the monitoring of the state power. The problems led to massive corruption and malfeasance with no one being brought to justice, which has become a political crisis and caused rifts among members of the society, who were incited to take sides, causing the decline in the national unity and social crisis. Although several sectors have tried to solve the crises, their attempts failed and the situation worsened to the point that there could be violence and clashes which could cause bloodshed. The situation was severely detrimental to the ruling system, economy and the law and order of the country. So, there must be an appropriate and interim ruling mechanism for the country, which is invented in line with traditional and customs of the Constitutional Monarchy system. The interim mechanism is also aimed to restore love and unity, the economy, the law and order, to create strong system to check and investigate corruption, to establish good ethical system, to promote and protect the rights and liberty of the people, to have the country respect the UN treaties and treaties and agreements with other countries, to promote the country's ties with international communities and to promote Thais to adopt the self-sufficiency economy. At the same time, the interim constitution will ensure sped-up attempts to draft and enact a new Constitution with broad public participation in every step. To attain the goals as the CDR has informed His Majesty, the King commanded that the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Interim Edition) be promulgated with the following articles until the next Constitution is drafted and submitted for a royal command. Article 1. Thailand is one and indivisible Kingdom. The King is the Head of State and the King holds the position of Head f the Thai Armed Forces. The King shall be enthroned in a position of revered worship and shall not be violated. No person shall expose the King to any sort of accusation or action. Article 2. The sovereign power belongs to the Thai people. The King as Head of the State shall exercise such power through the National Assembly, the Council of Ministers and the Courts in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution. Article 3. With the provisions of this Constitution, the human dignity, right, liberty and equality of Thais, which have been protected in accordance with Thailand's ruling practice in the democratic regime of government with the King as Head of State, shall be protected by this Constitution. Article 4. The King selects and appoints the President of the Privy Council and not more than eighteen Privy Councillors to constitute the Privy Council. The selection and appointment or the removal of a Privy Councillor shall depend entirely upon the King's pleasure. The President of the National Assembly shall countersign the Royal Command appointing or removing the President of the Privy Council and the President of the Privy council shall countersign the Royal Command appointing or removing other Privy Councillors. Article 5. The National Assembly consists of no more than 250 members, who will be appointed by the King from Thai nationals by birth and who are at least 35 years old. The National Assembly shall function as the House of Representatives, the Senate and Parliament. In selection of persons to be appointed as members of the National Assembly, they must be considered appropriately from various groups in the government sector, private sector, social sector, academic sector and from various regions. In case there are laws on qualifications of political office holders, the laws must not be enforced for the appointments of members of the National Assembly. Article 6. Membership of the National Assembly terminates upon: (1)death; (2) resignation; (3) being disqualified as stipulated in Article 5 (4) being appointed minister (5) the National Assembly passing a resolution under Article 8 removing him or her from office. Article 7. The King appoints a member of the National Assembly as its president and appoints one or more members of the National Assembly as a vice president or several vice presidents in line with a resolution of the National Assembly. Article 6 shall be applied mutatis mutandis for the termination of office of the president and vice president or vice presidents of the National Assembly. The Chairman of the Council of National Security will countersign the royal command to appoint members of the National Assembly, president and vice president(s) of the National Assembly. Articled 8. In case a member of the National Assembly has committed a deed deemed damaging the reputation of the National Assembly or has behaviours deemed obstructing the works of the National Assembly, at least 20 members of National Assembly can file a motion to the president of the National Assembly to impeach him or her. The impeachment of a member of the National Assembly as stated in the first paragraph requires at least two thirds of existing members of the National Assembly on the day the vote is cast. Article 9. It requires at least half of members of the National Assembly to make a meeting quorum. The National Assembly has the authority to issue directives to specify selection and working process of the president, vice president(s), and committees of the National Assembly as well as processes for holding meetings, submitting and deliberation of bills, submitting motions, holding debates and voting, filing interpolations, maintaining regulations and order and for carrying other activities in line with duties of members of the National Assembly. Article 10. The King issues acts as advised and agreed upon by the National Assembly. Subject to Article 10's first paragraph, a bill may be introduced only by at least 25 members of the National Assembly or the Council of Ministers, but a money bill may be introduced by the Council of Ministers. Subject to Article 10's second paragraph, a money bill means a bill with any or all of the following wordings : the imposition, repeal, reduction, alteration, modification, remission, or regulation of taxes or duties; the allocation, receipt, custody, payment of the State funds, or transfer or creation of expenditure estimates of the State; reduction of state revenue; the raising of loans, or guarantee or redemption of loans; and currency bills. In the case of doubt as to whether a bill proposed by members of the National Assembly is a money bill, it shall be the power of the President of the National Assembly o make a decision thereon. Article 11. During a meeting of the National Assembly, any member of the National Assembly has the right to submit a motion to request the Council of Ministers to give statements of fact or explain important problems in connection with the administration of the State affairs. But the Ministers have the right not to give information when considering that the matter should be treated with confidential for the sake of security and interest of the country or when seeing that the motion is not in line with meeting regulations. When there are important problems, at least 100 members of the National Assembly have the right to submit a motion for a general debate in the National Assembly for the purpose of requesting the Council of Ministers to provide facts and explanations regarding the problems but the members of the National Assembly cannot make a vote of confidence or vote of no-confidence against the Ministers. Article 12. When there are important problems in connection with the administration of the State affairs which the Council of Ministers see the need to hear opinions of the members of the National Assembly, the Prime Minister will request the President of the National Assembly to hold a general debate in the National Assembly without a resolution to be passed. Article 13. During a meeting of the National Assembly, anyone shall receive absolute immunity for his or her speech made to provide facts or express opinions or to cast votes and shall not be liable to legal action because of the expression. The immunity mentioned in Paragraph 1 of this article shall be extended to members of committees of the National Assembly and publishers of meeting reports as ordered by the National Assembly or members of the National Assembly. The immunity shall also be extended to persons allowed by the chair of the meeting of the National Assembly to provide facts or express opinions to the meeting and extended to the TVs and radio stations allowed by the chair of the meeting to broadcast the meeting. But the immunity will not be applied to the speaker in the case of the meeting is broadcast live on radios and TVs and the wordings are republished and the wordings are deemed violating the Criminal Code or violating the civil right of other people who are not Ministers or members of the National Assembly. If a member of the National Assembly is detained, he or she must be released as soon as the President of the National Assembly has so requested. Or when a member of the National Assembly is prosecuted, the trial can be continued unless the President of the National Assembly requests the court to halt the trial. Article 14. The King appoints the Prime Minister and not more than thirty-five other Ministers as advised by the Prime Minister to constitute the Council of Ministers having the duties to carry out the administration of the State affairs. The King has the prerogative to remove the Prime Minister from office as advised by the Chairman of the Council for National Security and the King has the power to remove Ministers from office as advised by the Prime Minister. The Chairman of the Council for the National Security shall countersign the Royal Command appointing and removing the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister and Ministers cannot currently be members of the National Assembly, members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly or members of the Constitution Drafting Committee. The Prime Minister and Ministers have the right to attend, provide explanations or express opinions during meeting of the National Assembly but cannot vote. Article 15. For the purpose of maintaining national security, public safety or national economic security, or averting public calamity or when it is necessary to urgently enact or confidentially deliberate a money bill related to taxes or currency , the King may issue an Emergency Decree which shall have the force as an Act. After the issuance of the Emergency Decree, the Council of Ministers shall submit the Emergency Decree to the National Assembly for its consideration without delay. If the National Assembly approves the Emergency Decree, the decree shall remain effective as an Act. If the National Assembly rejects decree, the Emergency Decree shall lapse; provided that it shall not affect any act done during the enforcement of such Emergency Decree. If the Emergency Decree, which has the effect of amending or repealing any provisions of any Act and such Emergency Decree ,has lapsed, the provisions of the Act in force before the amendment or repeal shall continue to be in force as from the day the disapproval of such Emergency Decree is effective. The approval or disapproval of an Emergency Decree must be published in the Royal Gazette. In the case of the disapproval, the disapproval will be effective on the day that it is announced in the Royal Gazette. Article 16. The King has the prerogative to issue a Royal Decree which is not contrary to the law. Article 17. All laws, Royal Rescripts and Royal Commands relating to the State affairs must be countersigned by the Prime Minister or a Minister unless otherwise provided in this Constitution. Article 18. Judges and justices are free try cases in accordance with the Constitution and the law and in the name of the King. Article 19. There shall be the Constitution Drafting Assembly to draft a new constitution. The Constitution Drafting Assembly will have 100 members, who will be appointed by the King in accordance to the provisions of this Constituton. The King appoints a member of the Constitution Drafting Assembly as the President of the Constitution Drafting Assembly and appoints no more than two vice presidents in line with the resolution of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. The Chairman of the Council for National Security countersigns the Royal Command appointing the President and Vice President(s) of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. Members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly must not be or used to be members of any political party or used to hold any position in a political party within two years before his or her appointment as a member of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. And members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly must not concurrently be members of the National Assembly. Members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly, members of committees of the Constitution Drafting Assembly, publishers of meeting reports as ordered by the Constitution Drafting Assembly and its committees, persons authorized by the chair of the meeting of Constitution Drafting Assembly to make statements of facts or express opinions during a meeting, TVs and radio stations authorized by the President of the Constitution Drafting Assembly shall receive immunity under the provision of Article 13 the same way with members of the National Assembly. Paragraph one of Article 9 shall be applied to the quorum of the Constitution Drafting Assembly and regulations of the National Assembly shall be mutatis mutandis applied for the meetings of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. Article 20. There shall be the National Confederation consisting of no more than 2,000 members who will be appointed by the King from Thai nationals by birth and who will be at least 18 years old. The Chairman of the Council for National Security will countersign the Royal Command appointing members of the National Confederation in paragraph one. Paragraph three and four of Article 5 shall be mutatis mutandis applied for the selection and appointments of members of the National Confederation. Article 21. In holding meetings of the National Confederation, the President of the National Assembly shall act as the President of the National Confederation and Vice President(s) of the National Assembly shall act as Vice President(s) of the National Confederation. Meetings of the National Confederation and the selection of the Constitution Drafting Assembly shall proceed as stipulated by the President of the National Confederation. Article 22. The National Confederation will select 200 of them for compiling the list of persons deserved to be appointed by the Royal Command as members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. The selection must be completed within seven days after the first meeting of the National Confederation. When the 200 members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly are selected or when the deadline has passed but not all members can be selected, the National Confederation shall be defunct. In the selection as stated in paragraph one, each member of the National Confederation can vote fore no more than three names. The first 200 members of the National Confederation who receive the most votes will be selected as members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. In the case of tied votes, which result in more than 200 winners, the winners will be decided by lot drawing. Article 23. After receiving the list of 200 candidates for members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly, the Council for National Security shall select 100 persons from the list and nominate them for a Royal Command appointing them as members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. In the case that the National Confederation fails to select 200 candidates within the timeframe as stipulated in paragraph one of Article 22, the Council for National Security shall select 100 members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly and forward them for a Royal Command. The Chairman of the Council for National Security will countersigns the Royal Command appointing members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. Paragraph four of Article 5 shall be mutatis mutandis applied to the appointments of members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly and its committees as stated in Article 25. Article 24. If a member of the Constitution Drafting Assembly is out of office by no matter what reason while the assembly has not finished drafting the constitution yet, the Chairman of the Council for National Security will select from remaining members on the list stated in Article 22 or from former members of the National Confederation - as the case may be - and forward the name for a Royal Command appointing him or her to fill the vacancy within 30 days of the vacancy. While the vacancy is not filled, the Constitution Drafting Assembly shall consist of remaining members. Article 25. For drafting the constitution, the Constitution Drafting Assembly shall set up the Constitution Drafting Committee consisting of 25 experts who are not members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly, and 10 other experts, who are or are not members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly, as advised by the Chairman of the Council for National Security. The selection and appointments shall proceed with regulations and procedures stipulated in a Royal Decree. Article 26. After the Constitution Drafting Committee has finished drafting the constitution, it must provide an explanation how the draft is different with the 1997 constitution. The explanation must be accompanied with reasons behind the differences between the draft and the 1997 constitution. The explanation must be sent to members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly and the following persons or organizations for considerations and opinions: (1) The Council for National Security (2) The National Assembly (3) The Council of Ministers (4) The Supreme Court (5) The Supreme Administrative Court (6) The Election Commission (7) The Auditor-General (9) The Parliament Ombudsmen (10) The National Human Rights Commission (11) The National Economic and Social Development Board (12) Universities The Constitution Drafting Committee must make public the draft constitution and document as per paragraph one and promote and hold public hearings. Article 27. After members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly receives the draft constitution as stated in Article 26 and if they want to amend the draft, the amendment can be done by having half of existing members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly submitting a motion together with reasons for the amendment before the meeting day of the Constitution Drafting Assembly as stated in Article 28. The members who have already submitted the motion or who have already endorsed the motion seeking to amend the draft constitution, cannot submit or endorse another motion of other members. Article 28. After the expiration of the 30-day period counting from the day of document filing as per the provision of Article 26, the Constitution Drafting Committee must consider opinions it receives in line with Article 26 together with amendment motions it receives under the provision of Article 27 and compile a report of amendments together with reasons or a report of its decision together with reasons not to amend the draft. The report must be made public and the draft constitution must be presented to the Constitution Drafting Assembly for deliberation. The deliberation by the Constitution Drafting Assembly as stated in paragraph one shall be the deliberation to approve or not approve the entire draft constitution or specific articles which members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly submit a motion to seek amendment as stated in Article 27 or specific articles proposed for amendment by members of the Constitution Drafting Committee. Members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly cannot make amendments to the draft beyond what stipulated in Article 27 unless agreed upon by the Constitution Drafting Committee or unless at least three fifths of members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly agree with the further amendment. Article 29. The Constitution Drafting Assembly shall complete the draft constitution and complete the deliberation as stated in Article 28 within 180 days after the first meeting of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. After the draft constitution is complete, it must be made public and a public referendum must be held as to whether the entire draft is approved or disapproved. The public referendum must be held no sooner than 15 days and no later than 30 days after the draft constitution is made public. The public referendum shall proceed in line with regulations and process to be announced by the Constitution Drafting Assembly. The public referendum must be carried out on the same day throughout the Kingdom of Thailand. Article 30. When the constitution draft as in the Article 29 is complete, the Constitution Drafting Assembly shall draft acts attached to the constitution, which are necessary to holding the general election, within 45 days since the draft constitution is complete. The drafts shall be presented to the National Assembly, which shall deliberate them within 45 days since receiving the drafts from the Constitution Drafting Assembly. To prevent any vested interest in the drafting process, members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly shall not be able to run for a post as members of the Parliament or senators during a period of two years after the expiration of their office in the Constitution Drafting Assembly. Article 31. In a referendum, if voters by a majority vote agree that the new constitution draft should be enforced, the President of the National Assembly shall present it to His Majesty the King for royal endorsement. After His Majesty grants his royal endorsement, the new constitution shall be announced in the Royal Gazette and become enforceable. When the Constitution takes effect, or when the Constitution Drafting Assembly already drafts the acts attached to the constitution draft as stated in Article 30, or when the deadline for the act drafting comes, whichever comes first, the Constitution Drafting Assembly shall expire. Article 32. In events that the Constitution Drafting Assembly fails to complete constitution drafting by the deadline as mentioned in Clause 1 of the Article 29, or that the Constitution Drafting Assembly does not approve the constitution draft as in Clause 2 of the Article 28, or that a majority vote by people at a referendum disapproves the constitution draft, the Constitution Drafting Assembly shall expire. Upon such expiration of the Constitution Drafting Assembly, the National Assembly and the Council of Ministers shall convene meetings to select any previous constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand and revise it for use within 30 days since the referendum votes against the constitution draft by the Constitution Drafting Assembly. When the revised constitution is ready, it shall be presented to His Majesty the King for endorsement after which it shall take effect as the Constitution. When the National Assembly and the Council of Ministers meet for the aforementioned purpose, the Chairman of the Council for National Security shall be the chair of the meetings. If the Constitution is endorsed through such article, the Prime Minister shall countersign the royal endorsement of the constitution. Article 33. Allowances and other fringe benefits of the President and Vice President(s) of the National Assembly and the Constitution Drafting Assembly, holders of office in the Council for National Security, members of the National Assembly, members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly, members of the Constitution Drafting Committee, and members of the Constitutional Tribunal shall be given as per stipulated by Royal Decrees. Article 34. For the purpose of maintaining public order and national security, there shall be the Council for National Security consisting of members as stipulated by the 24th announcement of the Council for Democratic Reform dated September 29 B.E. 2549. The Chairman of the Council for National Security appoints no more than 15 members of the Council for National Security. The leader, deputy leaders, members, secretary-general, deputy secretary-generals of the Council for Democratic Reform shall be the Chairman, Deputy Chairmen, members, secretary-general, and deputy secretary-generals of the Council for National Security respectively. In the case that the Chairman of the Council for National Security is absent or cannot perform his duty, a Deputy Chairman of the Council for National Security shall perform the duties of the Chairman of the Council for National Security in line with the order of the Deputy Chairmen. And in the case that the Chairman and Deputy Chairmen are absent and cannot perform duties, members of the Council for National Security shall select a member of the Council for National Security to perform the duty of Chairman of the Council for National Security. When deemed necessary, the Chairman of the Council for National Security or the Prime Minister can request for a joint meeting of the Council for National Security and the Council of Ministers to jointly consider and solve any problem related to the keeping of law and order and maintaining of national security as wall as to hold occasional consultations on any other matter. Article 35. Whichever falls under the jurisdiction of the Constitution Court or whenever there are disputes over whether certain laws contradict the Constitution, the jurisdiction will belong to the Constitution Tribunal, which consists the Supreme Court President as chairman, the Supreme Administrative Court President as deputy chairman, five Supreme Court judges, who hold at least positions of Supreme Court judges and who are selected by a general assembly of the Supreme Court through a secret ballot. The Office of the Constitution Court, which has been set up by the law on the Office of the Constitution Court, shall perform the administrative affairs and other affairs as assigned by the Chairman of the Constitution Tribunal. The composition of presiding judges and trial procedures as well as preparations of ruling statements shall be proceeded as specified by the Constitution Tribunal, which will make an announcement in the Royal Gazette. All cases or affairs pending the operations of the Constitution Court before September 18, B.E. 2549 shall be transferred to be under the jurisdiction of the Constitution Tribunal. Article 36. All announcements and orders issued by the Council for Democratic Reform or orders of the leader of the Council for Democratic Reform dated from September 19, B.E. 2549 to the promulgation of this Constitution will remain in effect for the legislation, the government and the judiciary. Every enforcement of the said announcements and orders before or after the enactment of the Constitution are considered legitimate and in accordance with the Constitution. Article 37. Every action taken by the leader of the Council for Democratic Reform or by individuals empowered by the leader of the Council for Democratic Reform to seize administrative power on September 19, B.E. 2549 and to perform duties for the legislation, the government and the judiciary, in the capacity of principal, supporter, procurer of duty and procuree of duty, happened before or after the enactment of the Constitution, are granted immunity from all responsibility and conviction should such action is found to be illegal. Article 38. For cases not covered by constitutional provisions, the ruling should follow precedents of the the democratic regime of government with the King as Head of the State. Article 39. Prior to the Cabinet assuming office, the chairman of the Council for National Security will act as caretaker for the prime minister and the Cabinet. Counter-signed the Royal command (General Sonthi Boonyaratglin) leader of the Council for Democratic Reform

So far, the coup leaders have fulfilled their promises. They said there would be a new prime minister within two weeks, and now there is one, apparently a gentleman readily acceptable to both the military and the public. Now the next important issue will be whether they keep their second main promise to step aside and let the civilians run the government. It will also be very interesting once we know what changes have been made in the new constitution.

Despite all the news reports talking about the problems at Suvarnabhumi International Airport, a friend of mine arrived last night at 10:50 PM. He said his experience was that the entire operation was as slick and smooth as it could be. He did say it really is quite a long distance from the plane to the luggage pickup area, but they have the moving sidewalks, so it's not a big problem. By the time he got to the luggage pickup area, his luggage was already waiting for him and he had no problem at all finding a luggage cart. He said getting through customs was a breeze and so was getting out of the airport. He said that from the time he got off the plane at the gate to the time he departed the airport, the whole thing took about 40 minutes. It will be interesting to hear what others experience. Those of you who do use Suvarnabhumii Airport during the next few weeks, please let us know how it was for you.

That's too bad. It would have been much more fun if they actually asked why . . .

Now, that's an excellent point! Getting a breakfast restaurant to make fried eggs properly seems to be one of the toughest things to achieve in Thailand. I wish I had one baht for every time I've had breakfast, ordered friend eggs, and explained that when the eggs are turned over, take them out of the frying pan one second later. Once in a blue moon it actually happens that way. So, if The Boat is doing it right, then that's a big plus and I'll bet your post just dramatically increased their breakfast business.

Just for the record, there seems to be some confusion as to whether the restaurant is White Knight or White Night. It is White Night, without the letter K. Don't forget, if anyone would like a copy of the menu, all you need to do is send an E-mail to me at gaybutton@gmail.com and I'll be happy to send the menu to you. As far as the perception that referring to boyfriends as boys adds to the perception that all gays are pedophiles is concerned, perhaps that is somewhat of a good point. I used to refer to my boyfriend as "my boy," but I eventually changed that when people sent complaints to me saying essentially the same thing. However, considering that it is not very likely that many people other than gays read this web site in the first place, I don't see it as a major problem and it probably doesn't make much difference. I doubt that changing "my boy" to "my boyfriend" will do much to change the profiling done at customs clearance.

His Majesty, the King has approved the new interim constitution for Thailand. So far, I have not seen any details as to what is in the new constitution. The following appears in the BANGKOK POST: _____ Broadcast of ceremony A nationwide broadcast has been scheduled this afternoon of the ceremony at which the interim prime minister will receive the royal command on his appointment, a TV Pool source said last night. The Government House ceremony will be broadcast from 4.45pm. The Council for Democratic Reform (CDR) is due to submit its choice for PM - expected to be General Surayud Chulanont - for endorsement by His Majesty the King today, after the expected promulgation of the interim charter. The interim constitution was submitted for royal endorsement yesterday. Former Senate speaker Meechai Ruchuphan, a key figure in the drafting of the interim constitution, has resigned as legal adviser to the CDR, a source said.

The following appears in THE NATION: _____ US Wary of Army Man as Thailand's Post-Coup Prime Minister WASHINGTON - The United States expressed unease over reports Friday that a former army chief had been chosen to run Thailand's government after the military ouster of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack withheld formal comment on the reports that Thailand's ruling junta had selected retired general Surayud Chulanont,63, to replace Thaksin pending confirmation of the appointment. "But certainly somebody with close ties to the military is going to have to at least overcome the perception that they are maintaining a close relationship with the military and may be not acting in defense of Thai democracy," McCormack said. McCormack said the United States continued to watch developments in Thailand "very closely: Who is appointed as prime minister, that person's background, the policies that they pursue." "We certainly hope that that person is somebody who has the deep interests of Thai democracy at heart and who not only abides by the principles of democracy but acts in their defense in getting Thailand back on the pathway to democracy as quickly as possible," he said. Agence France Presse Now I get it. I don't know what took me so long. Thai officials don't know what's best for Thailand. US State Department officials do. You know who they are, don't you? Most likely people who have never so much as set foot in Thailand and have to take a moment or two just to find Thailand on a map.

The following appears in THE NATION: _____ Suvarnabhumi: A Traveller's Lament As flight TG 401 touched down at the futuristic-looking Suvarnabhumi Airport on Friday night, the inefficiency of this new Bt150-billion facility took me and other passengers by surprise. The impressive view from the outside, of architectural structures bathed in blue light, gave way to appalling design flaws and apparent mismanagement by officials. "It's a new airport, so why did we have to board a bus [after deplaning]?" asked a fellow THAI traveller from Singapore. Less than two minutes later we were stuck in a bottleneck at the only escalator from the ground floor up to the first floor. We wondered why more planning wasn't put into such a crucial matter. Then after a considerable hike past a few duty-free shops, I arrived at the hi-tech immigration desk. It was speedy and convenient. But as I got through the counter and proceeded to find out where to reclaim my luggage, my eyes were dazzled by four flashing TV monitors with letters so tiny that anyone over 40 or with reading difficulties would have a hard time deciphering the messages. After a few minutes of eye-straining search, I discovered that I had to go to carousel 18. But wait! When I got there, the overhead display said the luggage coming through belonged to flights from Siem Reap and Seoul, not Singapore! There weren't enough luggage carts and it took me 10 minutes to get one. So which computerised monitors should I trust? I hung around with other passengers whom I recognised from our flight until one Westerner finally got his luggage. "Amazing," he said to me, as I asked if he was on that THAI flight from Singapore, to make sure that this was where my suitcase would emerge. Then there was a sign on a pillar next to the conveyor belt printed on A4 paper. "Temporary toilet". The lack of enough toilets appeared to be haunting the new airport on Day Two. But there was more travail to go through. The arrival lobby is too small. People squeeze together forming a wall so you can't see if someone came to pick you up. Then I couldn't figure out where to hail a metered taxi. There was no sign and I ended up having to ask for information at an AOT counter. The woman there was pushing a pricey limousine service, but eventually caved in and told me to head one level down. "But the queue down there is very long," she warned me. The taxi queue was actually twice, if not thrice, longer than those at Don Muang. Why? Partly bad coordination and partly because this is a single-terminal airport. The taxi pick-up points must actually be fewer than at Don Muang, which has one domestic and two international terminals. And there was no proper sign telling you this is where you should wait! While in line, two THAI passengers complained to me. One, an elderly gentleman who flew in from Brisbane, said he waited an hour and a half for his luggage to arrive. When he inquired about it with THAI ground staff, they didn't have a clue as to how long he had to wait. "It was a long walk," he said, referring to the mega-long terminal and hall. Another THAI passenger said the exit gate at the arrival hall was simply "miniature", which didn't make any sense. Nobody seems to want to explain why this new gateway is not laid out better and more conveniently than the 92-year-old complex at Don Muang. I couldn't help wonder why AOT has to force thousands of travellers to undergo such a trying experience. In the first few days they may claim that many things are not functioning properly because it's still new. But the management's attitude was self-congratulatory even though they should be profusely apologetic and do their best to meet travellers' expectations. I couldn't see or feel a sense of excellence and a service mindset from them. Suvarnabhumi may end up becoming just another expensive airport that's better to look at than to use. Perhaps a new management team that is more concerned and attentive to travellers' needs and satisfaction, comforts and convenience might improve things. A few executives deserve - not only to be shifted or reassigned - but fired. Pravit Rojanaphruk The Nation

I agree. I've never placed it on my list of restaurant recommendations because I don't see anything particularly different or unusual there, but since you posted about it, I've never had any complaints at all about the food or service. I did like the food and it is very inexpensive. They also make very good fried chicken and it is available for take-out. The Thai boys seem to like the food there too. It's also, as far as I know, the least expensive decent breakfast in the Pattayaland area. That 40 baht American breakfast includes your choice of bacon or ham, as I recall, and also includes toast and coffee or tea. The breakfast is available all day. It's been a long time since I last ate there, so if I'm wrong about what is included on the breakfast, please correct me.

He asked why you were getting your baggage? I don't understand that part of the story. What were you supposed to do with your baggage, leave it there? On the list of ridiculous questions you've probably been asked during your life, that one sounds like it would easily fall into the top ten. If you would, I wonder if you can tell us some of the other questions you were asked. Obviously there's nothing we can do about it, but I really dislike the unfairness of profiling single males as probable pedophiles and then subjecting them to this sort of nonsense. I guess all of us horrible gays better schedule connecting flights so that you have at least a three or four hour layover at your first port of entry into the USA, especially if you are doing something horrendous such as carrying a laptop computer. I can't help but wonder how many people they actually nab compared to the number of people they subject to their third degree.

If that's the case in Phuket, then I'd say not to get involved with a boy working in a Phuket bar. Seems logical to enough to me. Somehow, getting involved with organized crime bosses in a foreign country, even indirectly, doesn't seem like the smartest thing in the world to do. If what you say is true, then I wouldn't put it past them to threaten the boy's family as well, which would really put the boy between a rock and a hard place. Unfortunately, some "farang" stop thinking with their brains and start thinking with their crotch instead as soon as they step off the plane. If anything, then you're probably doing the boy more of a favor by refusing any involvement with such a scheme, which would put him in deeper with this sort of mafia than he already is. Apparently, pete1969 has seen these goings on for himself, so I'm taking his word for it as being true.

Can you tell us the URL for that web site? It has been my experience that most Thai people prefer and appreciate a cash gift more than anything else. They don't look at a cash gift the same way we do. They see it as an opportunity to buy what they want. Many times a well-meaning "farang" brings a gift and what ends up happening is the recipient smiles, acts very grateful for it, and gets rid of it after the "farang" leaves.

They have never been to Thailand and they don't speak a word of Thai. They asked for my help booking someone in advance. Their time in Thailand is going to be quite limited. They prefer to have someone known to be a good guide, booked in advance, so that all they need to do is get to Chiang Mai and not have to even think about trying to find a guide once they get there.

The following appears in the BANGKOK POST (Saturday, September 30): _____ US-Thailand Relations 'Will Continue' [Text of the US State Department briefing is below] Washington (dpa) - The US government Friday signalled its intent to keep relations with Thailand despite its concern about last week's military coup. But US State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said it is "watching the situation ... very closely." McCormack said he did not know if the US suspension of nearly $24 million in military aid to Thailand earlier this week would change plans for the annual Cobra Gold joint military exercise next year. But the military funding denial "does not mean we are going to break our relations with Thailand or sever all of the ongoing programmes of cooperation," he said. The US has said it was "extremely disappointed" with the coup that ousted Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. "We've clearly stated that it's a setback for Thai democracy," McCormack said. There have been reports in Thailand that respected former army chief Surayud Chulanont could be named the next prime minister. "Certainly somebody with close ties to the military is going to have to at least overcome the perception that they are maintaining a close relationship with the military and may be not acting in defence of Thai democracy and moving Thailand along as fast as it possibly could," McCormack said. xxx Here is the full text of the exchange concerning Thailand at the State Department press briefing: QUESTION: Military assistance to Thailand: does that include cancelling next years Cobra Gold exercise? MR. MCCORMACK: I'll look into it for you. I am not sure that it does. I'm not sure that it does. There -- the law has precise restrictions and areas that are covered. Look, this does not -- the fact that there was a coup in Thailand is of deep concern to us and we've clearly stated that it is a setback for Thai democracy. We have taken certain policy steps in compliance with the law. That does not mean that we're going to break our relations with Thailand or break or sever all of the ongoing programs of cooperation, but we are going to be watching the situation in Thailand very closely, who is appointed as prime minister, that person's background, the policies that they pursue. We certainly hope that that person is somebody who has the deep interest of Thai democracy at heart and who not only abides by the principles of democracy but acts in their defense in getting Thailand back on the pathway to democracy as quickly as possible. QUESTION: So you're planning with the Thai military right now for this? MR. MCCORMACK: I can check on that specific question for you. Yeah. QUESTION: It appears that Thai coup leaders are ready to appoint an ex-Army chief as their prime minister. Do you have any assessment of his capability to lead the country? MR. MCCORMACK: Well, my understanding is there has not been a final announcement yet. So I'm -- since there is no final announcement, I'm not going to have any particular comment. But certainly we are going to look at who that person is and what they do, what they actually do. That's what's important here. Are they truly acting in a manner consistent with the principles of democracy. I'm not going to try to read anything in particular into somebody's background, but certainly somebody with close ties to the military is going to have to at least overcome the perception that they are maintaining a close relationship with the military and maybe not acting in defence of Thai democracy and moving Thailand along as fast as it possibly could. I'm not going to make any judgments now about that. I think what's important is what that person actually does.

The following appears in THE NATION: _____ THAI Executive Pays the Price Airline Cracks the Whip over Baggage Bungling at Airport Thai Airways International Plc yesterday sacked an executive over the hours-long luggage delays on the opening day of Bangkok's new international airport. "The problem was caused by internal management problems at Thai Airways. We have already sacked a top person in charge of handling luggage," said airline president Apinan Sumanaseni. THAI's board members held an urgent meeting yesterday to discuss the luggage problem and decided to reshuffle several executives. The board has removed Pethai Boonyaves as vice president for ground equipment services and appointed Chokchai Panyawong, director of project investment, to replace him. The board said that Pethai had failed to deal with the luggage-handling problem. Suvarnabhumi airport officially opened on Thursday, with more than 800 flights carrying 120,000 travellers passing through the glitzy US$3-billion (Bt120-billion) airport on the first day. However, the new airport was flooded with complaints from disgruntled international passengers who had to wait several hours to collect their luggage. Airports of Thailand (AoT), which operates Suvarnabhumi, blamed Thai Airways for causing the long delays. "Luggage-handling equipment from Thai Airways did not arrive on time, and some luggage-handlers from the airline did not even show up at the airport," said Chotisak Aspaviriya, president of the airport operator. "The airline must take responsibility for these problems," he said. Chotisak said services to passengers on Thursday night and early yesterday morning had significantly improved even though there were larger numbers of passengers on both inbound and outbound. He added that AoT and THAI staff had remained on duty overnight to ensure smooth service to passengers. The general manager of Suvarnabhumi, Somchai Sawasdeepon, said all operations, including luggage-handling, had improved yesterday. "So far we have had smooth operations on the second day. The problems experienced on Thursday were normal and acceptable for a new airport," Somchai said. He said an extra 10 X-ray machines would be installed to make checking in faster and THAI would separate its domestic and international check-in areas. Domestic passengers must now check in at counter C, international passengers H and J. Meanwhile, the airport is to increase the number of seats in both the departure and arrival areas. The AoT also extended free passenger parking for a month. The airline's chief, Apinan, said he had received no reports of problems yesterday, when another 800 flights were expected to pass through. Ministry of Transport Director-General Wanchai Sarathoontat said he was 80 per cent satisfied with the first two days of the airport's operations and expected that all services would soon be running smoothly. Sopin Deangteth, president of Airlines of Committee (AOC) said any problems would be sorted within a week. THAI has apologised in a statement to all THAI passengers for the inconvenience caused as a result of delayed baggage, saying it will ensure that every item is delivered to the home address of the passenger as soon as possible. The company will also pay compensation for any delayed luggage, $100 a piece for economy class and $200 for business and first class. Vice president of Thai Airports Ground Services (TAGS), Sonthi Amaruji, said: "At the new airport, checking in is taking only two to three minutes per person, down from four to five minutes at Don Muang." The airport, 25 kilometres east of Bangkok, replaced the creaking Don Muang, which was handling about 37 million passengers per year, two million more than it was designed for. Suvarnabhumi has annual passenger capacity of 45 million, making it Southeast Asia's largest aviation hub. Once the new facility becomes fully operational, Thailand plans to expand it to accommodate 100 million per year. Suvarnabhumi, which means "Golden Land" in Sanskrit, has been under development for more than 40 years and suffered repeated delays due to construction problems and graft allegations. Thailand hopes the new airport, which opened at the start of the peak tourist season, will boost the country's $12-billion-a-year tourism industry. However, industry officials have voiced concern that some of the 14 million visitors expected this year may delay their travel plans, scared off by last week's bloodless coup, which ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra. Suchat Sritama The Nation, AFP

It sounds like a real racket to me. I don't see how such a thing can be enforced. Why wouldn't the boy simply quit? Even if the boy owes the bar money, I know of no laws in Thailand that permit slavery or indentured servitude under any circumstances. If it were me, I wouldn't say anything to the bar in the first place. I'd simply "off" the boy as usual and that would be the end of him ever returning to the bar. If anyone from the bar tracked me down and demanded a large amount of money, I would first tell him fine with me . . . I'll be glad to handle the transaction at the police station. Second, if I had not said anything to the bar, then that could only mean the boy had. I would smell a very big rat and would certainly suspect that the boy is in on the racket. I'm picturing a scenario in which the "farang" pays whatever the amount is (which would put him in serious trouble, I would think, if authorities from his home country ever found out about that), and then a short time later the boy tells the "farang" sorry, but this just isn't working out for me. The boy returns to the bar and gets his share of the take. What could the "farang" possibly do about it? Somehow I can't picture a "farang" going to the police and saying, "I bought a boy from such-and-such bar, but the boy backed out of the deal and now the bar won't give me my money back." Even if such buying and selling does occur, I would advise keeping well away from a thing like that. I've heard of poverty stricken families virtually selling a boy to a "farang," although I know of no actual cases of that occurring. But buying a boy from a bar? That's a new one to me.

For those of you who love Indian food, you may already know that there are a number of excellent Indian restaurants in Pattaya. My favorite is a "hole-in-the-wall" restaurant called Ravi, within walking distance of both Pattayaland and Sunee Plaza. It's on Soi 16. From Pattayaland just walk past the school, where all the baht buses line up to pick up passengers heading toward the beach, and you'l easily spot Soi 16. There's a big sign at the entrance of the soi that says "Paradise Inn." Thurn left and walk down the soi about a block or so, and you'll spot Ravi on the right. The food is excellent. They have a wide vasriety of choices and the prices are incredibly inexpensive. If you like Indian food, don't miss Ravi.

I'm riled because he ran off with my cheeseburger! I mean, there I was at Niddy's Nook. Just as they served my cheeseburger, here comes LMTU. He said, "Look at that wonderful new painting on the wall." I turned and looked. I didn't see anything new. When I turned around again, there was LMTU running down the street. He turned around and held up a cheeseburger, pointing at me and laughing. I looked down and my plate was empty. I'm too fat to chase him down! And Chris wouldn't even give me another one. He said he is not responsible for theft. He did, however, offer me a plate of grilled bats . . . free of charge and properly seasoned, to be served with fava beans and a nice Chianti.

In a weird way, the sanctions might also be doing a favor for Thailand. Many businesses, especially the tourism and export trade, have been complaining that the strength of the baht against the US dollar hurts their business. If these sanctions force the baht to weaken, that might be a silver lining on the cloud.

Beach talk and gossip is one thing, but I don't think gossip about anybody is appropriate for message boards, especially when it is negative gossip and the people posting that gossip can't prove what they say. I know many people feel that LetMeTellU asks for it, but even so I don't think it's appropriate to chop apart people or businesses on message boards, especially in light of Thailand's libel laws. If people don't like someone's posts, then nobody is forcing them to read those messages. If LetMeTellU, or anybody else, is posting misinformation or misleading information, then the information itself can be refuted without including gossip.